Article details

Title: The effects of early sexual experiences: A review and synthesis of research
Author(s): Larry L. Constantine
Affiliation: Co-director, New England Center for Family Process, Arlington, Massachusetts
Citation: Constantine, L.L., “The effects of early sexual experiences: A review and synthesis of research”, in Constantine, L.L. & Martinson, F.M. (eds.), Children and sex: New findings, new perspectives, Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1981, pp. 217-244.

Notes

This article is a review of the literature on the outcomes of childhood sexual experiences—both their immediate and long-term effects. Experiences examined in this review included peer activity, interaction between children and unrelated adults, and incest. In order to gain an understanding of the factors that lead to differing outcomes, this review included only studies that reported varying outcomes or that contained information relevant to finding those factors. Case studies were not included.

Thirty studies met the criteria, encompassing over 2500 subjects. They were conducted over 40 years, although half were no more than 15 years old. Twelve were clinical, 9 were criminal, and 9 were general population studies.

The number of subjects included in each study ranged from 2 to 500, and methods used ranged from questionnaires and sexual autobiographies to in-depth interviews. The sophistication and care of the studies ranged from passable to excellent. While only studies with well-chosen comparison groups can contribute to an understanding of causal factors, such studies are rare in this field.

The findings of the studies varied greatly, ranging from all children harmed to none harmed. Some of the studies of college students found that no harm resulted for about 75% of the children, but a higher percentage of girls than boys were harmed. Due to reliance on college samples, these studies were biased since college students are probably more well-adjusted than those in the general population. Clinical and criminal studies are biased in the other direction and tended to show more harm, but some still found the majority of children were unharmed.

Specifically, of the 30 studies reviewed, 20 reported some children were unharmed. This included all 9 population studies, 8 clinical studies, and some criminal studies. Thirteen of the studies concluded that the majority of children suffered no harm, and 6 studies even found that some children benefited.

Much of the variation in findings depended on the population that was surveyed, and whether long-term or short-term effects were examined. The wide variation shows that it can be confidently concluded that not all children are harmed by childhood sexual experiences.

The most common immediate reaction of the children to the experience was fear or guilt, although reactions ranged from positive to negative. Some studies reported the majority of children reported the sexual experience positively, while others found only a minority did so. More negative reactions were found in the clinical studies, supporting the idea that immediate reactions have a correlation with the effects of the experience.

One study found that immediate negative reactions correlated with incidents being reported to the police. Thus, clinicians and police are unlikely to hear of neutral or positive reactions. Anxiety was usually absent in non-clinical, non-criminal cases.

One study found that the children’s reaction depended on the type of encounter—those that occurred with someone who was older were more likely to be experienced negatively, and the use of force caused fright and confusion.

Many researchers suggest that children often experience guilt due to the social taboo on child sexual activity and/or the disruption that occurs in the home when it is discovered. Eight studies concluded that the reactions of parents and other adults could be more frightening than the sexual experiences themselves, but two studies found this to be true for a minority of the cases. Three researchers presented evidence that guilt increased as the child was separated from the sexual partner and exposed to the opinions of parents and the court system.

Ten studies reported that children typically were awakened sexually by their childhood encounters (whether with peers or adults) and became quite sexual in their behavior. In an accepting culture, this would be unproblematic, but in conventional settings, this can lead to considerable conflict with social norms. One study found that males with pre-pubertal experience were more likely to date and lose their virginity at younger ages.

Studies suggest that sexual encounters are not intrinsically a problem for children, but rather for adults. Studies refute many of the fears of adults. The anthropological literature shows that sexual pursuits need not interfere with other pursuits in childhood. Furthermore, the vast majority of children with early homosexual experiences of any kind do not become homosexual as adults.

The article addresses the question of whether children ever initiate or willingly participate in sexual relationships with adults. Stories of the children and adults involved conflict, especially in criminal cases. However, research and clinical reports leave little doubt that some children do initiate the contacts and many participate willingly. Nine studies in the review confirmed this, although initiative on the part of the child was rare in father-daughter incest.

Various researchers have shown that the adult and the child in such interactions have different interests. The child wants affection and attention, not necessarily sex. Even when the child is interested in sexual activity, his interest is different from the adult’s.

Those children who actively participate in the sexual activity are more likely to engage in sex play in general, to experience pleasure in the contact with adults, to evaluate the experiences positively, and to be sexually active as young adults. In the case of the sex play, the direction and source of causality is not clear.

Most of these experiences did not involve physical force. Those that did resulted in negative reactions. The evidence is consistent that the absence of force and coercion is correlated with more positive reactions.

The child’s age relates to his ability and the amount of power he holds. However, the findings of these studies concerning the influence of the child’s age on the effects of the experience were inconclusive. Only five studies found different outcomes due to age: three found that older children were less often harmed, while two came to the opposite conclusion.

Some studies suggested that age difference may be important in incest—larger age difference was associated with the presence of force. Findings on the effects on adolescents of sexual activity with adults were ambiguous and contradictory. The clinical studies suggested that awareness of cultural norms were associated with more guilt.

Fourteen studies reported that outcomes depended on the presence of force, coercion, or non-voluntary participation. The author writes, “It appears from this analysis that a child’s perception of control, the ability to choose or reject participation in incest or sex with adults or siblings, is an essential ingredient in a healthy outcome from the experience, and this matter is as often decided by the ability to end an undesired relationship as it is by active entry into a desired one”

An important question is whether a particular child of a certain age in a particular situation can realistically consent to sexual activity. Informed consent requires not only knowledge but also ability to resist successfully. Particularly important to consider are cases of passive acceptance, when the child seems to cooperate but is actually unwilling. Most studies lump these situations in with either willing or unwilling incidents.

The few that don’t conclude that these children may be the worst harmed. They feel confused, humiliated, guilty, and ashamed, yet helpless to end the sexual activity. This is most likely to occur when the age difference or role of the adult makes it more difficult for the child to decline.

Sixteen studies found that family environment had a large impact on the outcome of the sexual activity. Studies finding primarily negative outcomes included many children from disturbed or problematic families. Cases where children came from healthy families had uniformly more positive outcomes.

Six studies found that when the mother was supportive and accepting, even negative sexual experiences diminished in their impact. Three studies showed sexually open families related to more positive outcomes, and eight found harmful effects on children when adults reacted negatively.

The studies presented little evidence for or against the belief that greater psychological damage results when the child knows the adult. Four studies suggested that longer relationships were more harmful than shorter ones, but length of relationship was confounded with consent; relationships can last for two reasons: the relationship is mutually desired and experienced positively, or the child is coerced into the relationship by someone close to him.

The author concludes that there is no set of reactions that is a single inevitable outcome of adult-child sexual interaction. More negative outcomes are associated with violence or coercion, tense situations, sex-negative attitudes, sexual ignorance, and unsupportive or judgmental adult reactions. The amount of anxiety and guilt that the child experiences depends on two main characteristics of the interaction. These factors are of overwhelming importance in immediate and long-term effects:

• The first characteristic is the child’s perception of his participation as voluntary or involuntary. There are three important possibilities: he can be coerced into the activity, he can be unwilling but passive, or he can actively participate. Feelings of guilt appear low in cases of coercion, but not cases where the child is unwilling but passive.
• The second factor of importance is the child’s knowledge of human sexuality and of society’s moral-negatives (taboos) regarding childhood sexual activity. There are four categories of awareness: ignorant of both sexuality and taboos, ignorant of sexuality but aware of taboos, sexually knowledgeable but unaware (or un-accepting) of taboos, and sexually knowledgeable and aware of taboos. Studies suggest that sexual ignorance increases fear and anxiety, as does the awareness of taboos.

The effects of these factors on the child’s reaction to sexual activity can be summarized in the following table:

Thus, the best case is the child who actively cooperates, who knows about sex, but who has not assimilated society’s moral negatives. The worst case is the child who is unwilling but passive, and who is aware of society’s taboos but is ignorant about sex. This is the case in which the typical American child finds himself. Two other important factors that influence the outcome are the feelings that the sexual partner communicates to the child, and the family’s reaction to disclosure of the incident.

The author writes that it is important to note that the factors described here are the same as those that operate in adult-adult sexual interactions. This is seen in modern concern over the ill-effects of unwilling but passive consent present in sexual relationships between adult college students and their professors, the importance of a supportive family in cases of rape, and current concerns over the lack of knowledge among mentally disabled adults which render them vulnerable to abuse.